Whenever we entail of the outbreak of WWI, we conjure up the stormy, patriotic crowds that gathered in Berlin and Vienna, and in Paris and Petersburg. As Germans and other Europeans rushed to arms, it became fix that war, which is ordinarily conducted by states and armed specialists and nationalism, which is the popular business of the people, had pass away inextricably linked.
This linkage is what Hitler and the Nazis would take advantage of to the point where pull down the Social Democrats discouraged youthful supporters from challenging Nazi intimidation. Poli
tical enfranchisement and national solidarity were concepts the Nazi party would use to their full abilities, which in terms of geological formation and intimidation were consider open. Photographs, newspaper reports, historical analyses and case studies of ordinary German lives are used as evidence to support Fritzsche's point.
Indeed, a photograph of a young, unkempt Hitler among the throngs waiting to hear the contract bridge of war in August 1914 is downright chilling in its implications. By skillfully and brutally mixing the ideologies of left and right, Hitler and the Nazis were able to cross-breed nationalism with welfare, democracy with anti-Semitism, and paranoia with patriotic ardor. As the Kreuz-Zeitung commented on the slew of young filled with nationalistic zeal, "Germany's youth has arisen" (Fritzsche 16).
While Hitler simply earns a mention in Fritzsche's work, in Laurence Rees The Nazis: A type From History, the author focuses a great deal on Hitler and the evasive action employed by the Nazis. While Fritzsche appears to downplay Hitler's role in getting at his theory on populism, Rees argues th
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