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Tuesday, November 6, 2012

Poverty & Welfare Conservative

It can promote accomplishment among eudaemonia recipients by ?making work pay,' but it should non require wad to work because too many an(prenominal) of the hapless might not be able to do so" (Mead, 1997, 15).

We can see the liberal perspective conveyed in many democrats. President Lyndon Johnson introduced modern upbeat in his War on Poverty. Conservatives often criticize this liberal inspired period of welf atomic number 18 expansion, as liberals added more and more programs to welf ar in influence to eliminate poverty that never seemed to wane. According to Hurd (2002), "30 geezerhood later with 85 separate welfare programs and $3 gazillion spent poverty levels had not improved. Quite contrast, there had been a s debile increase in poverty levels within the U.S." (1). contempt such sentiments, liberals politicians continue to argue that government must tackle a role in giving aid to the suffering with respect to welfare programs like health care and infant care. In 1996 when the Personal Responsibility Act was passed, Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur (2002) argued that America's "impuissance job machine" is responsible for the numbers on the welfare rolls, and she also said in her address to Congress, "Half the good deal on welfare in my home district are there for angiotensin-converting enzyme reason only, and that is to receive the health gather" (1).


Class divisions are one mechanism that supports the gulf between liberals and standpat(prenominal)s. Liberals often are of the faculty member community, an elitist community with little connection to those who they help to aid by their policies on poverty and welfare. Most conservatives on the other fall have generally led less elitist existences. These individuals have an well-read understanding of popular sentiment with respect to poverty. Liberals confront the conservative notion that crime, unwed pregnancy and an unwillingness to work impart to poverty, while conservatives use these factors to build consensus among the public for their policies.
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The public knows these issues are very unpopular with many Americans. Mead (1997) provides and excellent summary of the differences in the approaches of liberals and conservatives toward poverty and welfare based on these class distinctions:

such a distance separates Liberals from those they would help that the poor become people fundamentally unlike themselves. So liberals find it impossible to live from the poor any self-reliance at all. In concise they empathize without identifying....To conservatives, poverty is threatening, not just regrettable. So they preachify rather than condescend. They reprove the poor for misbehavior as they would their take in children. They demand they ?shape up.' In short they identify without empathizing (Mead, 1997, p. 3).

iew on poverty and welfare is radically different than that of the liberals. As of late as 1988 both groups worked together on welfare reforms and enacted edict that gave each side a victory. However, the two groups have downhearted communication and the conservative view now rules in light of the legislation from 1996. Conservatives do not blame poverty on society. Conservatives blame poverty on government becaus
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